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This booklet deals a trans-disciplinary research of the effect of mass crime at the rebuilding of social and political family members. Drawing on ancient and more moderen casesincluding examples from Bosnia-Herzegovina, Burundi, Cambodia, Indonesia, Peru, and Rwandathe authors study the impression of mass crimes on participants, society at huge, and the agencies fascinated by delivering counsel within the post-conflict section.
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Additional info for After Mass Crime: Rebuilding States and Communities
The examination here focuses on ‘‘non-narratives’’, impossible or conﬁscated narratives (what Paul Ricoeur has called ‘‘hindered memory’’, ‘‘manipulated memory’’ and ‘‘obliged memory’’)8 and in the authorized public narratives of the past that either give sense to individual memories or mutilate them. 9 In many instances, this aspect has to take into account the memories of massacres INTRODUCTION 13 committed in history. The roles of state and political actors are key in these processes. Chapter 7, by Rene´ Lemarchand and Maurice Niwese returns to the case of Rwanda, viewing it though a different lens.
Towards a comprehensive sociology The negation of humanity inherent in mass crime, the denial of that which binds human beings together, that ‘‘other-worldly’’ experience,3 affects the innermost part of the individual. To reach it requires us to adopt the approach of someone trying to ‘‘understand’’, in the primary and fullest sense of the term. A comprehensive sociology is developed from the perspective of meaning. It seeks to enter the other person’s subjectivity through a decentring process in order to try to ‘‘understand the other’’ from within, as one is invited to do by the philosopher Paul Ricoeur.
Their account is primarily a challenge to the view that the 1994 genocide can be viewed in isolation – epitomized by the temporal jurisdiction of the international criminal tribunal established to deal with the genocide, but with a mandate only to examine acts committed between 1 January and 31 December 1994. They argue that the dominant discourse of Hutu killers and Tutsi victims is itself a barrier to reconciliation, a discourse that should be complicated by historians to reﬂect the complexity of relations between Hutu and Tutsi – and their joint colonial past – if new, postgenocide identities are to be constructed.